The European Referendum

 

Now the negotiations with Europe are underway and the press is full of discussions of the referendum and the advantages and disadvantages of the UK remaining within the union.  I find it very surprising that no-one seems to mention that possibly the most important purpose of forming the European Union was to prevent another major European war.  Although it is not possible to say for certain that the EU was solely responsible, it is nevertheless true that Western Europe  has for the last seventy years  been at peace.  Sadly this does not extend to the Balkans, where there have been major conflicts, or to the rest of the world where war seems to be almost continuous.  It does, nevertheless, seem a very powerful reason for maintaining the European Union and for retaining the United Kingdom as one of its important members.   

It does seem highly plausible that not only the free trade area but the free movement of people between the countries of the Union does lead to increased mutual understanding and that this, as well as the attempts that the European Union makes to achieve some degree or integration, have contributed  to maintaining  the peace.  For this reason alone I will vote to stay in the Union – whatever the outcome of the “re-negotiations”

 

 However I am surprised that the criticisms of the Europe Union are nearly always aimed at the European Commission rather than at the European Parliament

The European Parliament was set up by those who wished to see much closer European integration and who envisaged the creation of a European Government and the formation of a United States of Europe rather resembling the United States of America.  In that case, there would indeed be an unarguable case for having a European Parliament to fill the same purposes that are served by the Congress of the United States.  However, we have no European Government even remotely in view but we do have a European Parliament.  This body seems to me to have a certain amount of power but  virtually no responsibility.  .  Its lack of responsibility is really very obvious.  I have had some involvement with the EU, largely through my association for many years with the Federation of European Academies of Medicine, I have carried out an informal survey not only of my British colleagues but of those from other European countries to discover how many people know even the name of their MEP.  The answer is almost none.  Members of the European Parliament do not seem to be responsible to their constituencies and indeed the way that they are elected from party lists means that the candidates have very little contact with their constituencies anyway.  Nevertheless, this unrepresentative body with no obvious function costs the community  large sums of money. In my view too many MEPs  tend to espouse extreme positions on many unreasonable causes, be it opposition to GMOs, and to various reproductive technologies; and enthusiastic support for alternative medicine.  

 

It would surely be an excellent idea to suspend the European Parliament until such time (if ever) as there is a European Government.  In the meantime, the two palaces that it occupies in Strasbourg and Brussels could be used for other purposes and perhaps bring in money rather than spend it; and the amount that is now spent on the MEPs could be used for socially much more useful purposes.   

It is remarkable that even those who reject the European Union , such as members of UKIP, nevertheless hold seats in the European Parliament and are  happy to take its money.

 Perhaps this is what Mr Cameron should be discussing with Mr Juncker and with his fellow heads of state.

Electing a New Labour Leader

I am a long-term supporter of the Labour Party who has from time to time been a member of the party and who resigned on the last occasion when Gordon Brown failed to honour his promise to take the NHS out of direct political control.  He had given this undertaking and I wrote a letter to The Times applauding this undertaking.  This elicited a response from Daniel Finkelstein who said the idea was bonkers and that a service spending so much money must be under direct political control.   I doubt whether I am alone in thinking that it is Daniel Finkelstein and not Gordon Brown’s promise that is bonkers. Political micro-management of many highly expensive services, be it the Universities, the Research Councils, the schools or the NHS, has been a marked feature of governments since Mrs. Thatcher and is slowly being recognised to be a thoroughly bad idea,  not least because the management of these services is long term and cannot be tied to the electoral timetable. 

 

  When, in 2010, Ed Milliband was elected to the Labour leadership, despite having the majority of neither MPs nor the constituency members, but solely because he was the choice of the trade union movement, I was not tempted to rejoin the party.  This is not because of any qualities that Ed Milliband did or did not have, but because I could not bring myself to regard him as a legitimate leader of the Labour party.  To his credit, he altered the system but sadly it does seem to me that the system which has now been introduced is even worse.  I had wondered when it was proposed to have a one member one vote system for those who were members of the Labour party and those who were subscribing members to the political fund of  trade unions, that there would be a time limit imposed so that only those who had been members before the last general election would be allowed to take part.  I now read in the newspapers that this is not the case, and that anybody who joins or pays up before August can take part in the leadership election.  This is an open invitation to corruption.  The trade unions may pressurise or even give inducements to members to pay up in order to be able to vote and the possibility that there will be frank bribery to get people to join the Labour Party just for this purpose can by no means be excluded, especially in view of some scandals of this kind in local government in the past.  It again offers the opportunity for large trade union leaders to exert excessive influence in determining the outcome and those of us who remember the terrible damage they did to the Labour Party in the 1970s will not be tempted to see a recurrence. 

The Full Time NHS

It is five years since I raised the topic of a 24 hours a day/7 days a week hospital service with Mr. Lansley. (see previous blog) It is good to see that the present government is showing an interest in the idea and some determination to bring it about.  It is less encouraging that the response from our medical colleagues has on the whole been negative. 

At the base of the opposition, I think, is a misunderstanding.  If the whole hospital service were to go from working on average, say, in the region of 10 hours a day and five and a half days a week (which is a guess, not an accurate estimate) this would amount to  55 hours a week.  To make all the hospital facilities work 24 hours a day and seven days a week would raise this to 168 hours, i.e. it would expand the hospital service threefold!  Whereas this might be thought desirable in theory, it is quite clearly impossible in practice and the proposal to go to a “168 hour per week service” is quite different. 

 

If in a large medical centre a number of services -  the operating theatres, the diagnostic departments and the acute medicine departments were to go to 168 hours per week, then it would need to follow that a much of these services currently provided on the 55 hour a week model in reasonably nearby hospitals would have to be discontinued.  One can envisage that some hospitals might close altogether, thereby making large savings on the maintenance of the estate and on the administration which are both expensive.  The relevant staff  would be transferred to the 168 hour a week hospital to enable it to function at that level. 

 

However, there is also a real need for “low intensity” hospital facilities which used to exist and have largely disappeared.  There has been much discussion of bed-blocking by patients who have no need for intensive facilities but for whom there are no facilities in the community, and there are also other patients who still require some degree of medical care but who do not require the expensive facilities of an acute hospital.  For such patients, it would be desirable to have low intensity hospitals which provide accommodation, nursing care and basic medical care but without the expensive facilities to be found in the large hospitals.  Some years ago it was estimated that a high intensity bed cost £500 a night and a low intensity one £100 a night, so that there are also large savings to be made here. 

 

Quite clearly, changes of this description cannot be brought about nation-wide, or all at once.  In urban areas, or in regions where there is a large hospital within reach, such changes may be made without the need for training new staff and the added expense of paying staff for unsocial hours would be more than recompensed by the savings that can be made by reducing activity in the surrounding hospitals.  Where this looks feasible, it could be initiated quite quickly.  In other areas where the distance of travel would make for serious problems, the arrangements may be more difficult to bring about. In any case gradual introduction of change with the old and new systems running side by side, will allow comparisons to be made - seeing where the benefits and  the difficulties  lie and seeing  which delivers more QUALYS per £. Sad experience has shown clearly enough that this is always preferable to trying to introduce  nationwide, untested changes tied to an electoral timetable!

 

The situation with regard to general practice is quite different but here also one can envisage changes being gradually brought in which would reduce the existing work-load while allow seven day a week access. 

A major change that has occurred in general practice since the introduction of the NHS, has come with major advances in medicine which have led not to the cure of chronic diseases but to their management.  There are now large numbers of patients, and not only the elderly, that suffer from chronic conditions such as diabetes, hypertension, asthma and chronic lung disease, angina and chronic heart disease, rheumatoid arthritis and related rheumatological diseases among others, who require regular assessment and care over many years. This care has increasingly been put onto general practitioners.  This, however, is contrary to the clinical evidence.  There is good evidence most of these diseases, that patients’ outcomes are significantly better when they are cared for in specialised clinics set up for their particular disease.  This is by no means surprising.  Not only it is probably advantageous for  doctors to see many instances of these diseases rather than a few, but such clinics will also have access to specialised ancillary services (for example dieticians and podiatrists for diabetes, as well as the diagnostic services that are required.  Furthermore clinical trials on newer treatments are easier to carry out in this environment., There is therefore be a strong case to be made for establishing diabetic clinics, hypertension clinics, chronic respiratory disease clinics etc in large central hospitals where outpatient care is provided  for the management of long-term conditions.  It is almost certain – and could be properly evaluated -  that this would improve outcomes.  It would also save a great deal of time in general practice which would allow GPs to concentrate on their other functions and to provide a seven day a week service.  Again, such changes cannot be brought in all at once and would have to be allowed to develop slowly where the conditions are favourable.  All these changes should be closely monitored so that, again, their value in QUALYS per £ spent can be evaluated.